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A pair of new polls suggest British Columbia's political landscape has tightened, with the BC Conservatives either tied with or narrowly ahead of the governing New Democrats as voters focus on housing affordability, healthcare and the economy.

A Research Co. survey conducted June 3 to 5 found the BC Conservatives and BC NDP tied at 42 percent among decided voters. A separate Leger poll conducted June 1 and 2 placed the Conservatives ahead at 45 percent, compared with 41 percent for the NDP.

The results mark a significant improvement for the Conservatives compared with last fall and come days after Kerry-Lynne Findlay was selected as the party's new leader.

Research Co. found the Conservatives have increased their support by four points since October 2025, while the NDP slipped two points. The party also posted a voter retention rate of 89 percent among its 2024 supporters, compared with 84 percent for the governing New Democrats.

The polling comes as voters continue to rank housing affordability, the economy, and healthcare among the province's top issues.

Leger found housing prices and affordability were the most important issue for 31 percent of British Columbians, followed by healthcare at 29 percent and the economy at 24 percent. Research Co. found housing, poverty and homelessness ranked first at 29 percent, followed by the economy and jobs at 26 percent and healthcare at 21 percent.

(Visual: Leger)

The polling comes alongside other reports pointing to economic strain in the province.

A report released this month by the Business Council of British Columbia found youth employment in the province has fallen 14 percent since 2019, the largest decline of any province in Canada. The report said youth employment has dropped back to levels last seen in 2017 despite strong population growth, while labour-force participation among young people has fallen to 58.5 percent, the lowest level in the country.

Separate polling from Research Co. released in late May found only 33 percent of British Columbians rated the provincial economy positively, while 62 percent described economic conditions as bad or very bad. More than four in 10 respondents said they expect the economy to worsen over the next six months.

The province's fiscal outlook has also become a growing political issue. The government's latest budget projects a $13.3-billion deficit for 2026-27, followed by projected deficits of $12.2 billion and $11.4 billion in the next two fiscal years.

(Visual: Coastal Front)

Both polls suggest the Conservatives may have room to grow. Leger found only 26 percent of British Columbians were familiar with the new Conservative leader, while 61 percent reported either a neutral opinion or no opinion of her.

Research Co. found Premier David Eby's approval rating has fallen below 50 percent to 48 percent. Leger's preferred-premier measure showed Eby leading Findlay by three points, 30 percent to 27 percent.

The surveys also point to continued interest in a centre-right alternative. Research Co. found 47 percent of British Columbians believe there is room for another centre-right party, while 41 percent said it may be time to revive the BC Liberal brand. In a hypothetical ballot test that included the BC Liberals, the party captured 15 percent support, while the NDP led with 35 percent and the Conservatives followed closely at 34 percent.

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On June 2, U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) Jamieson Greer announced that the U.S. government planned to implement dozens of new tariffs on trading partner nations, including Canada. This was announced following a meeting with Canada-U.S. Trade Minister Dominic LeBlanc in Washington, the same day. 

The additional 10 percent tariff was towards countries that allegedly have goods produced by forced labour in their own supply chains. “The failure of our most important trading partners to address the importation of goods made with forced labor is unacceptable.  This creates a dynamic where American workers are forced to compete globally on an unlevel playing field,” said Ambassador Greer, “We will no longer tolerate this disparity.” 

The day before, on his platform Truth Social, President Donald Trump shared an article on the recent news that Canada has entered a “technical recession,” with the addition of a controversial “51st state” comment. 

Canada’s response

These tariffs follow a 6-3 decision in February by the U.S. Supreme Court to strike down the Trump administration’s tariffs imposed under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). This included a 35 percent tariff on certain Canadian goods imposed last year. 

However, it's of note to know that the ruling didn’t apply to sectoral tariffs like steel, aluminium, softwood lumber, and automobiles, those are still imposed on the Canadian economy. They now have an additional 10 percent on top of them as a result of the new tariffs. 

Prime Minister Mark Carney responded on June 3 that “this was not a surprise, it's something the US has been planning for a few months,” and that Canada “has a very strong legislative regime against forced labour.” He also highlighted the fact that the tariffs don’t apply to those that fall under the Canada-U.S-Mexico Agreement on trade (CUSMA). Carney used this to reinforce his claim that Canada is still getting the best deal out of all the U.S’s trading partners. 

Carney downplayed Trump’s “51st state” comment by describing the U.S. President as an “exceptionally active user of social media.” 

The week prior, Carney told a group of American investors in a “more divided and dangerous” world, a stronger, independent Canada would help “make America great again.” This address was held at the Economic Club of New York. 

The details 

Canada Total Exports to the United States 2014-2025, Courtesy of Trading Economics

Trump has implemented this worldwide tariff using Section 122 of the U.S’s 1974 Trade Act. These duties will, however, expire after 150 days unless the American Congress votes to extend them. 

Canada has prohibited the import of goods “that are mined, manufactured or produced wholly or in part by forced labor” since July 1, 2020, as a result of amendments that were implemented along with CUSMA.

The USTR disputed this in their recent report on trading patterns with forced labour goods, stating that “the information available indicates that Canada is failing to effectively enforce its forced labour import prohibition.” They also accuse Canada of being a “dumping ground” for forced labour product exports that are barred from the U.S. This report coincided with the news of the tariffs that were announced by Ambassador Greer. 

In a report on the U.S. from the international human rights group Walk Free, they noted that the “U.S – like other G20 countries – is exposed to the risk of modern slavery through the products it imports.” A figure cited is that nearly two-thirds of all forced labour cases are in fact linked to global supply chains. 

Some examples of these forced labour products exported to the U.S. include electronics and garments from countries like China, Malaysia, and Bangladesh. 

A key feature of Trump’s administration is to impose punitive tariffs on trading partners whom they perceive to be in unbalanced and unfair deals with. Exports to the United States in October accounted for 67.3 percent of all exports, the lowest non-pandemic level ever recorded. In the past, nearly 75 percent of Canadian exports went to the U.S, and a daily average of $3.6 billion of trade goods was exchanged between the two North American countries.

The Canadian-American relationship has become increasingly strained with the election of Donald Trump in 2025 and the further enactment of tariffs on the Canadian economy, along with the President’s continuous comments about Canada becoming the “51st” state. 

Courtesy of the Conservative Party of British Columbia

Kerry-Lynne Findlay won a heavily contested leadership race for the BC Conservative Party on Saturday night, with 51 percent of the vote. Findlay has taken the leadership position from interim leader Trevor Halford, who himself took over in December after former leader John Rustad resigned. 

Findlay’s platform, according to her website, seeks to combat not only Premier David Eby’s NDP government but also the “BC Liberal insiders” within the Conservatives. In fact, the word “Liberal” is used ten times versus the more meagre use of “NDP” only three times. This reflects Findlay’s intentions to pull the party’s politics closer to the right-wing of the spectrum.  Many BC Liberal MLAs defected to the provincial Conservatives after the party rebranded to BC United in 2023, including Rustad himself. 

Angelo Isidorou, Executive Director of the BC Conservatives, told Coastal Front that Findlay has a “robust” plan for the province’s economy. “Whether it is cutting taxes, creating a western alliance of provinces, or keeping our streets safe, Conservatives under her leadership have a clear plan,” he said. “I am certain she will have more to share in the days to come.”

Findlay has faced allegations of corruption while campaigning for the federal Conservatives in the 2025 election. This led the Office of the Commissioner of Canada Elections to open an investigation into her. The BC Conservatives’ Leadership Election Organizing Committee also considered disqualifying her for the leadership race she just won. The investigation is still ongoing at the time of this writing. 

LEOC STATEMENT: Regarding Federal Probe into Kerry-Lynne Findlay

LEOC has a duty to be open and transparent with the membership of the Conservative Party of BC.

Since learning this week of the federal investigation by the Commissioner of Canada Elections into Kerry-lynne…

— Conservative Party of BC (@Conservative_BC) May 22, 2026

Findlay has also been accused of using divisive, racist rhetoric in her politics by rival  Conservative candidate Iain Black. NDP Labour Minister Jennifer Whiteside said, “Kerry-Lynne Findlay and her supporters in caucus have more in common with Donald Trump’s Republicans than they do with Canadian Conservatives.” She also brought up a moment from the leadership debate where Findlay accused Conservative rival, Peter Milobar, of being in a conflict of interest on DRIPA due to the Indigenous background of his wife and children. 

In a media scrum on Tuesday, Premier David Eby said, “from my perspective, the job that she’s applying for right now looks a lot more like MAGA regional manager than the premier of British Columbia. But I’ll stay tuned and hear what her plans are.”

Platform

Courtesy of CBC

Findlay’s platform also has highlights such as “Get woke ideology out of our schools,” “Put freedom first,” and “Cut taxes.” On her more specific “Policy” section, Findlay doubles down on schools, completely targeting the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI) “ideology” in BC public schools. As of this writing, no other policies are elaborated or featured on her website. 

Findlay has stepped into the role of BC Conservative leader during a period of intense internal strife within the party.  In the past year, six MLAs have been ousted from the party and have turned into Independents. Five out of the six were for reasons related to Rustad’s leadership, with the sixth, Hon Chan, removed after being charged with assault, assault by choking, and uttering threats.

There is a strong tension in the party between the centre-leaning, former BC Liberal segment in the party and the farther right, “populist” section who backs Findlay. Even ousted MLAs Jordan Kealy and Tara Armstrong threw their support behind Findlay for her leadership campaign, which could open doors for their future reintegration into the caucus. 

Findlay was formerly a federal  Conservative MP for Delta-Richmond East from 2011-2015, also representing South Surrey-White Rock from 2019-2025, before being unseated by current Liberal MP Ernie Klassen. During her most recent tenure, she was the Chief Opposition Whip under federal Conservative leader Pierre Poilievre. 

Throughout her entire federal career, Findlay has sponsored only one bill (C-391), which sought to amend the Criminal Code and the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act (possession of weapons and drugs in hospitals). The bill has yet to have a second reading in the House of Commons since 2024. 

She is also married to MLA Brent Chapman, a BC Conservative who represents the district of Surrey South. As Findlay does not officially have an electoral seat, Chapman told Sitka Media he was open to the idea of stepping down to let her run in a by-election, but nothing has been confirmed yet. 

The next provincial election will be held no later than October 21, 2028, but there is always a possibility it will be called earlier.

British Columbia's youth labour market has deteriorated more than any other province in Canada, with employment among people aged 15 to 24 falling 14 percent since 2019 even as the province's young population surged, according to a new report from the Business Council of British Columbia (BCBC).

The report paints a picture of a labour market increasingly out of reach for young workers, with fewer young people employed, more unable to find work and a growing number no longer participating in the labour market.

"Youth employment in March 2026 fell back to where it was in mid-2017, erasing roughly eight years of gains," the report said, noting that BC's youth population is now near an all-time high.

The findings place BC at odds with much of the rest of the country. According to the council's analysis of Statistics Canada data, youth employment has grown in every province except BC and Nova Scotia since January 2019. BC recorded the largest decline, while Ontario was essentially unchanged and Nova Scotia posted a slight decline.

The report argues the province's weakening position cannot be understood through unemployment figures alone.

While the youth unemployment rate has climbed to about 14 percent — matching levels last seen during the global financial crisis outside the pandemic period — the council says the figure understates the problem because it does not include young people who have stopped looking for work.

Between January 2019 and March 2026, youth employment in BC fell by roughly 51,000 workers while the number of unemployed youth increased by 23,000. Over the same period, the number of young people classified as not participating in the labour force grew by approximately 85,000.

The council said many of those individuals may be what economists describe as "discouraged workers" — people who have stopped looking for jobs because they do not believe work is available.

That trend has pushed BC's youth labour force participation rate to 58.5 percent, the lowest of any province in Canada and down from 68.7 percent in 2019. At the beginning of that period, BC ranked third nationally.

The report identifies three primary factors behind the decline: weak private-sector hiring, a rapid increase in the supply of entry-level workers, and rising costs for employers.

Private-sector employment in BC has grown by just two percent since 2019, according to the council. Because many young workers begin their careers in private-sector industries such as retail and food services, prolonged weakness in hiring has had an outsized impact on younger job seekers.

The report also points to an increase in the youth population, driven largely by growth in temporary residents and international students. That increase, it argues, expanded the supply of entry-level workers at the same time demand for labour weakened, particularly in retail trade and accommodation and food services.

The decline in BC youth employment was concentrated in retail trade and accommodation and food services, sectors that have traditionally provided first jobs for many young workers.

Between 2019 and 2025, accommodation and food services lost 20,600 youth workers in BC, while retail employment among young people declined by 9,600. Combined, the sectors recorded a 17 percent drop in youth employment, the steepest decline of any province.

The council also argues that rising labour costs are making it more difficult for employers to create entry-level positions. BC's minimum wage stands at $17.85 per hour, the highest in Canada and nearly 30 percent above its 2019 level. The report says the Employer Health Tax, WorkSafeBC premiums and other business costs further increase the cost of hiring inexperienced workers.

Taken together, the report argues, those pressures have left many young British Columbians struggling to gain a foothold in the workforce.

The council warned that prolonged detachment from the labour market can have lasting consequences. Young people who miss opportunities to gain early work experience may face lower lifetime earnings, weaker employment prospects, and greater reliance on government income support later in life.

The findings also raise broader questions about the province's economic outlook. With fewer young people working and contributing taxes, the report argues BC risks a narrower future tax base at a time when it is already dealing with a deteriorating fiscal situation and multiple credit-rating downgrades.

The BCBC said reversing the trend will require policies that encourage private-sector investment and hiring, including easing regulatory burdens in industries that traditionally employ young workers.

The new report comes one week after polling from Research Co. showed only one-third of British Columbians view the province’s economy positively.

Government support for Canada’s role in hosting the 2026 FIFA Men’s World Cup is estimated at $1.066 billion, while British Columbia’s NDP government has delayed releasing updated costs for Vancouver’s share until after the spring legislative session ends.

A Parliamentary Budget Officer report estimates federal support at $473 million, with provincial and municipal governments covering another $593 million. Across 13 Canadian matches, that works out to roughly $82 million per game.

For BC, projections hover around $578 million for seven games at BC Place Stadium in Vancouver. That is far above the province’s 2022 estimate of $240 million to $260 million.

Premier David Eby has said the province will release updated figures by the end of the month, after the legislature’s spring session ends May 28. The tournament begins June 11.

Eby has defended the spending by pointing to projected economic benefits, claiming the event will generate more than $1 billion for BC’s economy. But his government has not yet released an updated detailed cost estimate, citing ongoing talks with Ottawa over security funding and final arrangements with stakeholders.

(Courtesy Angus Reid)

The delay leaves taxpayers without a full accounting of the province’s FIFA obligations only weeks before the tournament begins.

The issue is politically awkward for Eby, who previously criticized the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympics while serving as executive director of the BC Civil Liberties Association. At the time, he raised concerns about civil liberties, security measures, displacement of vulnerable people, free expression, and the costs of hosting major international events.

Now, as premier, Eby is defending another major international sporting event despite escalating cost projections and unresolved questions around security, operations, and possible overruns.

Toronto is also facing a steep increase. The city is expected to spend about $380 million to host six games, compared with earlier estimates of $30 million to $45 million in 2018. Ontario is also spending $97 million toward Toronto’s matches.

Polling from Leger cited in the provided material suggests many Ontarians and British Columbians are skeptical of the spending, with half of Ontarians opposed to hundreds of millions in World Cup costs and 50 percent of British Columbians opposed to spending more than $500 million.

Until the province releases its updated numbers, British Columbians are being asked to accept the promise of economic benefit without a clear final bill.

Only one-third of British Columbians view the province’s economy positively, while many expect conditions to worsen over the next six months, according to a new Research Co. poll released May 28.

The survey found 33 percent of respondents rated BC’s economic conditions as “very good” or “good,” while 62 percent described them as “bad” or “very bad.”

Views on household finances were nearly split. Forty-nine percent said their own finances were “very good” or “good,” while 48 percent described them as “bad” or “very bad.”

Economic pessimism was especially pronounced among BC Conservative voters. Just 17 percent of respondents who supported the party in the 2024 provincial election viewed the provincial economy positively, compared with 43 percent of BC NDP voters and 47 percent of BC Green voters.

Looking ahead, 41 percent of respondents said they expect BC’s economy to decline over the next six months. Thirty-eight percent expect no change, while 14 percent predict improvement.

The poll also found significant support for reducing bureaucracy and speeding up permitting processes. Sixty-four percent of respondents said the provincial government should devote more resources to expediting permits and dealing with bureaucracy and red tape. Among BC Conservative voters, that figure rises to 75 percent.

The findings were released as debate continues over the province’s fiscal outlook. In a statement issued May 28, BC Conservative Interim Leader Trevor Halford criticized the NDP government’s fiscal record, pointing to projected deficits, rising debt levels and pressures within the healthcare system.

The provincial government’s latest budget projects a $13.3-billion deficit for the 2026-27 fiscal year, followed by deficits of $12.2 billion and $11.4 billion in the following two years. Total provincial debt is forecast to rise from $154 billion to $234 billion over the fiscal plan period.

The Research Co. poll found British Columbians are divided on how the province should address the budget deficit. Forty-five percent favour cuts to programs, 33 percent support raising taxes and 21 percent are undecided.

“There is a significant political divide when British Columbians ponder the budget deficit,” said Research Co. President Mario Canseco. “Almost half of those who voted for the New Democrats in 2024 (46%) would raise taxes, while more than two thirds of those who supported the BC Conservatives (68%) would cut programs.”

The survey also found that 50 percent of respondents expect BC’s economy to improve because of the way the federal government under Mark Carney is treating the province, while 61 percent agree that many of the setbacks experienced by BC’s economy can be blamed on Donald Trump being president of the United States.

In this episode, Karen Flavelle and Scott McTavish of Purdys Chocolatier join us for a candid conversation about leadership, legacy, and growing one of Canada’s most iconic chocolate companies in a rapidly changing retail landscape.

From navigating generational business transitions to maintaining craftsmanship at scale, they share insights on entrepreneurship, company culture, sustainability, and what it means to build a brand that Canadians genuinely love.

Watch the full episode here:

https://youtu.be/M2BCe-yqa0A

Aaron's Substack: https://www.aaronmate.net/

Watch the full interview here: https://youtu.be/deOREtGDlyA

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Read the full article here: https://www.coastalfront.ca/read/dripa-backlash-grows-in-bc-business-confidence-sinks

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Prime Minister Mark Carney announced this week that Canada will provide an additional $270 million to help Ukraine procure military capabilities identified on a NATO priority list, adding to Ottawa’s financial commitment to Kyiv since 2022.

The announcement came during the European Political Community summit in Armenia, where Carney met with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and other European leaders. The funding will be used to purchase munitions from the United States.

The latest contribution brings Canada’s total monetary support for Ukraine to $25.8 billion.

“It’s part of a bigger puzzle in a conflict where Ukraine is gaining some advantage,” Carney told reporters.

Before meeting Zelenskyy, Carney said “all of Canada” stands behind Ukraine and said the latest contribution would help strengthen Ukraine’s fight against Russia.

Zelenskyy thanked Canada for its support.

“We are thankful to Canadian friends, to all the people for such strong support,” he said.

(Canada’s debt clock on May 8, 2026 at 10:41 a.m. PDT)

Carney also used the summit to emphasize Canada’s growing focus on Europe amid broader geopolitical and economic changes.

“The world is undergoing a rupture across several dimensions. In technology, in energy, in commerce and geopolitics,” Carney said during remarks to summit delegates.

“As the rules-based order ... is rebuilt, it will be rebuilt in Europe,” he added.

Canada was the first non-European country invited to attend the summit, which was established following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and focuses on political, security, and infrastructure co-operation.

European Council President Antonio Costa said Canada was invited because it is “one of the closest countries in the world to Europe” and described Canada and European countries as “like-minded” partners.

The announcement comes as Canada continues providing military and financial support to Ukraine while also seeking deeper economic and security ties with European partners.

(Image courtesy Province of BC)

When BC introduced the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act in 2019, the government presented it as a reconciliation measure that would also bring predictability to the province’s economy. The legislation, the province said at the time, would “create further certainty for investment” and reaffirm BC as a “world-class destination” for business.

Nearly seven years later, that promise is under strain.

A new Business Council of British Columbia (BCBC) survey found 98 percent of respondents do not believe DRIPA is living up to its original promise of creating investment certainty. The same share said they are “very concerned” about DRIPA applying to all laws in the province.

Among respondents, 74 percent said they are decreasing investment plans in BC, 73 percent cited increased time, cost, complexity or uncertainty in permitting, 41 percent reported harder access to external financing, and 35 percent said they are reducing hiring plans.

Only three percent said DRIPA was positively affecting business operations by reducing time, cost, complexity or uncertainty in obtaining permits.

BCBC president and CEO Laura Jones described the survey as a “temperature check” on business sentiment. Her conclusion was blunt: “The desire to work with Indigenous communities to create prosperity for all remains strong but the message from business leaders is clear: DRIPA isn’t working.”

That’s a sharp turn from 2019, when Greg D’Avignon of the BCBC said the organization’s membership was “optimistic for the long-term potential” of BC’s UNDRIP legislation. At the time, the caveat was implementation: business, Indigenous partners and communities needed to be engaged, and government needed to create “clarity and greater certainty.”

Those caveats now sit at the centre of the debate.

(Visual courtesy BCBC)

The government’s original case for DRIPA rested on the idea that reconciliation, transparency and economic certainty could move together. The 2019 release said existing BC laws would not change immediately, that alignment with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples would take time, and that consultation with Indigenous peoples and stakeholders including business, industry and local government would be required.

It also said DRIPA would not change consultation rules established by the courts, reopen existing permits or certificates, or affect current regulatory timelines.

That was the framework presented to businesses, Indigenous communities, and the public. Today, much of the debate is about whether that framework has held.

The immediate political crisis intensified after the BC Court of Appeal determined in December 2025 that the government’s obligations under DRIPA are legally enforceable. Premier David Eby argued the ruling created “unlimited legal liability” for the province by opening the door to challenges of provincial laws alleged to be inconsistent with DRIPA.

According to Eby, more than 20 lawsuits involving the province have been launched or amended since the Gitxaala decision was released.

First Nations leaders strongly reject the government’s framing. In an open letter to BC MLAs, the First Nations Leadership Council called Eby’s arguments “not only misleading but … also inherently wrong,” and argued that uncertainty was being created by attempts to undermine DRIPA through unilateral action.

That is the central tension. Business leaders say the current environment is creating uncertainty. First Nations leaders say the government’s attempt to alter or suspend DRIPA is creating uncertainty. The government, meanwhile, has spent months moving from one position to another.

Eby first said changing DRIPA was necessary and non-negotiable. He then proposed suspending parts of the law for up to three years while the province’s appeal of a recent court decision moved toward the Supreme Court of Canada. After backlash from First Nations leaders and a failure to secure full caucus support, he backed away from changes this spring and said the government would work toward a possible solution before the fall legislative session.

“This has been, if I can speak frankly, probably the most challenging issue I’ve worked on in government,” Eby said after abandoning the spring plan. “It is absolutely possible, as a leader, to move off confidently in the wrong direction.”

A government that has repeatedly framed reconciliation as a central commitment is now caught between its own public commitments, legal risk, First Nations opposition, business alarm, and growing public anxiety.

The politics have shifted quickly.

An Angus Reid Institute poll released May 5 found the leaderless BC Conservatives ahead of the BC NDP by 10 points in vote intention, 46 percent to 36 percent. Eby’s approval had fallen to 33 percent, down from 53 percent in March 2025.

The same poll found 47 percent of British Columbians support repealing DRIPA, including 26 percent of those who voted BC NDP in the 2024 provincial election. Fifty-one percent of respondents said BC’s economy would be worse off under DRIPA in the future, while 10 percent said it would be better off.

Public concern also extends to the relationship between Aboriginal title and private property rights. Angus Reid found 55 percent of British Columbians believe Eby has done a “bad job” balancing Aboriginal title with private property rights. More respondents believed DRIPA gives First Nations veto rights on land development in claimed territory than disagreed, although the materials also note that others argue “free, prior and informed consent” refers to robust consultation rather than a full veto.

(Visual courtesy Angus Reid Institute)

The Cowichan decision has added to the broader uncertainty surrounding the debate, even though DRIPA and the Cowichan case are not the same issue. The Cowichan case was launched before DRIPA became law and turned on Section 35 of the Canadian Constitution, not provincial legislation. The Cowichan Tribes have also repeatedly said they do not intend to take away private property.

Still, the political debate has linked DRIPA, Cowichan, Aboriginal title, and property rights into a larger argument over land, legal authority, reconciliation and economic confidence. Questions about what DRIPA does, how it interacts with the courts and what reconciliation means in practice have increasingly become political flashpoints.

That linkage has been used by multiple sides. Conservatives have used DRIPA and Cowichan to attack the BC NDP and, federally, Prime Minister Mark Carney. First Nations leaders have accused the province of misrepresentation and fearmongering. The NDP has tried to defend reconciliation while simultaneously proposing to amend or suspend the law it once championed.

For business, the legal distinctions may matter less than the practical effect. The BCBC survey suggests businesses are already reacting before many of those legal and political questions are fully resolved. The survey also suggests many no longer believe the province has achieved the level of certainty originally promised when DRIPA was introduced.

That does not mean DRIPA alone caused every concern now attached to it. The materials point to court rulings, policy reversals, permitting complexity, title claims, political messaging, and public uncertainty all moving together. But it does mean the province’s original promise of greater certainty is now being judged against a very different political and economic environment.

There are also examples where DRIPA mechanisms appear to have helped projects move forward. Section 7 agreements have been used in relation to projects including Eskay Creek, Red Chris, and Galore Creek. Eby’s proposed suspension would not have affected the sections enabling those agreements.

That nuance matters. The debate is no longer simply whether DRIPA is good or bad, but whether the government can clearly explain how the law functions, how it interacts with the courts, and how reconciliation, economic development, and legal certainty are meant to coexist in practice.

So far, clarity has been difficult to find.

The province now plans to spend the summer working with First Nations leaders toward a possible fall solution. There is no guarantee of agreement. The BC Conservatives support repeal. The BC Greens have criticized the government’s proposed changes. Eby will need his caucus united to pass legislation without opposition support, something he was unable to secure this spring.

In 2019, DRIPA was presented as a framework for reconciliation alongside predictability, transparency, and economic confidence. In 2026, it has become a test of whether the government can manage the legal and political implications of the law it championed while maintaining confidence among businesses, First Nations and the broader public.

Just days after announcing millions in public funding for manufacturing companies in the southern Interior, the British Columbia government is now pointing to $88 billion in proposed private-sector and industry-led projects as evidence its economic strategy is gaining momentum.

In an update to its Look West plan, the province says the projects are on track to move forward over the next three years and create tens of thousands of jobs while helping diversify the economy and reduce reliance on a single trading partner.

Premier David Eby framed the announcement as a turning point.

“At a time when countries around the world are looking for responsibly developed resources and stable trading partners, this is British Columbia’s moment,” Eby said in a statement.

The updated list adds 17 new major projects, nearly doubling the number previously identified as priorities. The broader strategy includes a goal of securing $200 billion in private-sector investment by 2035, along with expanded trades training, faster permitting, and efforts to move major resource and energy developments forward more quickly.

But while the announcement moves from recent, concrete funding commitments to much larger projections of investment and job creation, many of the same questions about execution and accountability remain.

Much of the headline figure reflects proposed or anticipated investment rather than completed projects. Several major resource, energy, and LNG-related projects remain subject to final investment decisions, construction timelines, and, in some cases, ongoing regulatory processes.

The announcement also comes as British Columbia faces mounting fiscal pressure, including recent credit-rating downgrades linked to rising deficits and debt. Budget projections point to continued borrowing in the years ahead, with no clear path back to balance.

Despite that, the province continues to expand its role in supporting economic development — not only through targeted funding programs, but also through broader commitments such as expanded trades training and the creation of a $400-million BC Strategic Investment Fund.

The government says accelerating permitting timelines and reducing regulatory barriers are key to moving projects forward. It points to recent approvals of mining projects, including Eskay Creek, Mount Milligan and Highland Valley Copper, as evidence that the strategy is already producing results.

Several individual projects highlighted in the update are expected to generate jobs and long-term provincial revenue. The Phase 2 expansion of the Blackwater gold and silver mine, for example, is described as a $1.44-billion investment that could create 1,500 construction jobs and 300 additional operational jobs, while generating an estimated $2 billion in mineral tax over the life of the mine.

The province also points to clean-energy projects, LNG developments, pipeline expansions, and critical-mineral projects as part of the broader push to attract private-sector investment and strengthen supply chains.

Still, many of the promised benefits remain projections. The release relies heavily on expected, proposed and anticipated outcomes, while offering limited detail on how job creation, investment targets, or long-term fiscal returns will be measured against actual results.

That lack of specificity mirrors concerns raised in earlier funding announcements, where information on performance conditions and long-term accountability has been sparse.

Six months into the Look West strategy, the government is clearly scaling up its economic ambitions — moving from targeted funding announcements measured in the millions to long-term projections in the tens of billions.

Whether those ambitions translate into sustained growth, measurable job creation and fiscal stability remains an open question.