From Taipei to Phnom Penh: BC and Canada’s Costly Trade Missions Lack Clarity
(Premier David Eby and Minister of Agriculture and Food Lana Popham meeting with Japanese officials in Japan.)
As BC Premier David Eby departs for his second major trade mission to Asia, Ottawa is simultaneously spearheading its own international ventures. The federal government recently concluded a Team Canada Trade Mission to Thailand and Cambodia, and is now sending International Trade Minister Maninder Sidhu to Paris for meetings with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the Group of Seven (G7).
From Tokyo to Phnom Penh to Paris, Canadian officials at both the provincial and federal levels are travelling the globe with diplomatic overtures, investment promises, and vague ambitions to "diversify trade." But amid this surge in publicly funded travel, a longstanding question comes to mind: What do British Columbians—and Canadians more broadly—get in return?
Premier’s Return to Asia
Premier Eby’s June 1st to 10th itinerary includes stops in Japan, Malaysia and South Korea. According to the provincial government, the objective is to "increase investment, diversify trade and create good jobs for British Columbians." He will be joined by Minister of Agriculture and Food Lana Popham and Parliamentary Secretary for Asia-Pacific Trade Paul Choi.
This trip marks a sequel to Eby’s 2023 mission, which opened a new Trade and Investment Representative office in Vietnam. That venture, also pitched as a boost to economic growth and international partnerships, remains difficult to assess in terms of measurable outcomes. More on that later.
The province has not provided any specific data to support claims that these missions deliver on jobs, exports, or investment. As with past efforts, the language remains vague: strengthening supply chains, showcasing BC’s assets, and creating good jobs. There are no disclosed performance indicators, economic impact assessments, or third-party audits of results.
Instead, the government continues to emphasize broad geopolitical justifications. “Our largest trading partner has become increasingly unreliable,” Eby said in May, referring to the United States. “Now is the time to expand international markets for BC goods,” he continued.
(Locations of all BC trade offices as of 2025. Image courtesy of the BC government.)
Ottawa’s Trade Mission
Shortly after Eby’s announcement, Global Affairs Canada highlighted its own efforts in Southeast Asia. More than 150 representatives from over 90 Canadian organizations joined Chief Trade Commissioner Sara Wilshaw on a Team Canada Trade Mission to Thailand and Cambodia. As part of the trip, the federal government upgraded its office in Phnom Penh to an embassy and opened a new Export Development Canada office in Bangkok, its 12th in the Indo-Pacific. While framed as “diversification,” concrete results remain elusive.
Minister Sidhu, meanwhile, is headed to Paris to chair the G7 trade ministers’ meeting and “advance Canada’s priorities” at the OECD.
“Helping Canadian businesses grow internationally means championing a fair, transparent and open rules-based system for global trade,” Sidhu said in a May 30 release. “Next week in Paris, I’ll be focused on pushing for Canada’s trade interests and greater market diversification.”
New Missions, Old Questions
The new trade missions and overseas offices echo BC’s 2019 to 2023 strategy, which came at a considerable cost.
Last year, Coastal Front obtained documents through a freedom of information request showing the province had spent more than $27 million over five years operating trade offices across Asia. That included facilities in Beijing, Shanghai, Delhi, Tokyo, Seoul and more.
Not only were key sections of the financial statements redacted, making it impossible to fully assess the spending, but the government also charged $480 for access to the information. A similar request in 2018 was provided at no cost.
At the time, officials insisted these offices facilitated export deals and global connections. But details of what “facilitation” actually means, or how those deals are tracked and reported, remain non-existent. There’s no public record of how the money is spent, no system for measuring results, and no clear explanation of what taxpayers are getting in return.
Fiscal Conservatism in Name Only?
As the BC NDP expands its international trade operations, the official opposition has positioned itself as a corrective force. The BC Conservatives, under leader John Rustad, have repeatedly criticized the government’s spending and promised to restore fiscal responsibility.
But the party’s own roster tells a different story.
One of the BC Conservatives’ most high-profile recruits, MLA Teresa Wat, previously served as Minister of International Trade under the BC Liberals. During her tenure, the province oversaw a costly expansion of its trade office network—most notably the Beijing office, which carried more than $380,000 in annual rent. Wat also oversaw the appointment of Ben Stewart as BC’s Special Representative to Asia, a position that generated over $1 million in taxpayer-funded living and employment expenses. The post was widely criticized as political patronage at the time.
Although Stewart was the public face of the controversy, Wat’s leadership over the province’s trade strategy raises serious questions about the credibility of her party’s rhetoric. Nonetheless, Rustad has praised her “dedication and insight,” framing her as a key figure in the party’s effort to build “a more prosperous and fair province.”
While the BC NDP continues to expand costly international ventures with limited transparency, the Conservatives’ embrace of figures linked to earlier spending scandals raises doubts about their commitment to doing things differently. For British Columbians seeking a credible alternative, the options are grim.
Study: Trade Missions Don't Work
The scepticism surrounding trade missions is not new. A peer-reviewed study led by researchers at the University of British Columbia’s Sauder School of Business, titled Do Trade Missions Increase Trade?, analyzed Canadian federal missions between 1994 and 2005. It found no statistically significant increase in trade as a result of the visits, even several years after it was conducted.
The “Team Canada” mission to Cambodia was described by officials as the largest Canadian delegation to visit the country, but no public documentation exists outlining what agreements were signed, which sectors benefited, or how results will be monitored, and trying to get such a breakdown is like trying to nail water to a wall.
The Broader Geopolitical Context
Beyond trade figures, Canada’s Indo-Pacific efforts have long mirrored broader US strategic priorities. The federal Indo-Pacific Strategy, released in late 2022—before Donald Trump was re-elected—pledged $2.2 billion to enhance Canada’s presence in the region and repeatedly described China as a “disruptive global power,” language closely aligned with US policy at the time. That included:
$721 million to expand Canada’s military footprint in the region,
$262 million for people-to-people engagement, and
$147 million to boost Canada’s presence and visibility, including a new office for the Asia-Pacific Foundation of Canada.
Critically, the strategy mentions China more than 50 times. This language mirrors that of the US State Department and aligns closely with military deployments and diplomatic statements made by Five Eyes allies.
During a 2023 Greater Vancouver Board of Trade luncheon, then–Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly described China as “the elephant in the room,” reinforcing the impression that Canada’s Indo-Pacific pivot is as much about opposing the Chinese government as it is about promoting trade.
The new Foreign Minister Anita Anand has long held a hawkish stance toward China, often echoing her predecessor by describing it as an “increasingly disruptive global power.”
In 2023, BC echoed Ottawa’s tone. Premier David Eby remarked that “tensions between the US and China” were top of mind during that year’s trade mission. At the time, BC was moving in lockstep with federal efforts, opening new offices in Asia and renewing a Memorandum of Cooperation with a Japanese infrastructure investment agency.
Political Theatre or Economic Strategy?
Trade missions do serve a political function. They convey the image of proactive governance, international stature, and economic leadership, without the burden of delivering immediate results.
But the political risks of this approach are increasing. With the cost of living rising, Canadian taxpayers are questioning how their money is being spent. Eby’s missions follow earlier initiatives already criticized for their murky costs and questionable benefits. Ottawa, meanwhile, continues its global spending without introducing any new framework to evaluate results.
Both federal and provincial governments continue to spend heavily on initiatives that read well in press releases but leave little evidence of impact.
